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Article found on www. However, there are areas which Greenland cannot take political control over such as foreign policy, defence and security policies.

And in this expanding area and territory of interests Chinese politil have entered into a new area for Chinese foreign policy principles. The existence of Chinese interests and diplomatic effort shows that China has Arctic policies.

Something the Chinese are aware of and causes the preference for gpobal keeping a low profile concerning its commercial interests in the Arctic. Prior to the meeting, China had, according to Jakobson and Peng, publicly received support amongst foreign ministry representatives of the Nordic G,obal member countries.

The role that the government is playing, in order to pursue its commercial interests in energy and mineral resources, is according to the going global strategy. However, there are different ways of proving itself to be a strong international player.

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A contemporary source, Chinese Professor Qimao Chen, wrote in Asian Survey in that the recent years had shown that China was interested in bilateral relations with industrialized countries. This means, that China respects Arctic sovereignty but at the same time uses the UNCLOS to argue for Chinese rights in the Arctic and considers some issues to be trans-regional where non-Arctic states should be given influence.

Furthermore, Isua also shows the methods of the go global strategy, where Chinese investment from the state-controlled bank CNB, used an established Western mining company.

A French man or Spaniard might tell you he loves you after only a few weeks but don’t panic: The methods of action of the go global strategy are according to liberalist theory, in the context of which the market forces lay the grounds for cooperation. Chinese interests in the Arctic are a case of the dilemma between seeking recognition as a responsible international actor and at the same time pursuing the commercial interest in the natural resources of the region. A Perspective on World Politics.

In the debate on the rising state as a threat or not, the arguments that it does not pose a threat stand stronger than the claims of a possible Chinese threat in the Arctic.

Wright argues that China wants to be one of the first states to explore the Arctic for resources. Chinese investment in Greenland does not necessarily depend on Sino-Greenlandic relations, because it was an investment project.

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The military strength of the US is significant in the case of a military conflict in the Arctic.

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The overview will lay the basis for understanding the foreign policy priorities in the Arctic. The Informal Arctic Policy He bases his claim on surveys made amongst the major Chinese shipping companies who have not prepared or invested in ice-capable freight vessels, which he interprets as a sign that Chinese interest in the Arctic sea routes has been overrated. It will do so by investigating the following hypotheses: The Partial Power, New York: According to Kang, the Chinese identity is not only shaped by the century of shame, but also of the historical absence of territorial ambition.

Laserre agrees with the claim that China wants to prove itself as a super-power based on its capability of scientific research in the Arctic on the same level as the developed countries. Skip to main content. In the realist approach states are the main actors in the international system, IOs influence on international behaviour is not considered to be very influential, this approach thus diminishes the role and influence of non-state actors.

From this he derives that being a major player in the Arctic is included in that grand strategy. Neoliberal institutionalism asks questions about how institutions affect state behaviour, and the approach is only relevant if the actors share mutual interests.

The Svalbard Treaty supports Chinese claims of this icy territory as common human heritage which the signing nations agreed upon in In the Sino-Greenlandic relations this was important, because of the conditions for Chinese investment were changes in Greenlandic legislation concerning minimum wage and allowing the many Chinese workers into the country.

His presentation also supports the three mentioned official Chinese interests in scientific research, climate change and shipping in the Arctic, and also defined climate change and shipping as trans-regional issues. These mentioned strategies seek political influence in the Arctic in order to improve the opportunities for access to commercial interests. For example, China Daily reported, just one the day after the Kiruna meeting, that Chinese experts refute that China is hoping to rob the Arctic of its natural resources and to have a military presence there.

In the use of newspaper articles it is important to bear in mind that Western and Chinese media cover the stories from two different perspectives. In return China received publicly support for AC application of observer status from both Iceland,78 and reluctant Norway together with Denmark, Finland and Sweden. When it comes to shipping in the Arctic sea routes, the state is forced to play a diplomatic role in making bilateral agreements to access the waters within national borders of the coastal states, and to ensure fees at a reasonable cost.

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This means that China acknowledges international organisations as an actor in international relations. What are you waiting for? There is no doubt that China is interested in conducting scientific research in the Arctic, as it has been doing for nearly the two decades, due to the expected effects it will have on weather and food production in China, and how the thawing of the ice will affect agriculture and other conditions in China.

However, since China has expanded its interests in the Arctic, from only covering scientific research to the commercial opportunities in the glpbal calling for the go global policy, which was used in the Isua project.

As mentioned earlier, there is consensus amongst the China-experts that China views multilateral organisations as instruments to reach nationalist goals.

Image branding in the Arctic is seen in the three main first hand sources used for this thesis. Chinese representatives proclaim the Arctic Ocean as international waters, and as common human heritage, which in fact living and non-living resources in the High Waters are, according to international law, arguing that the effects of climate change and thawing of the ice are trans- regional, because it will affect gglobal socio- and economic development outside of the Arctic states.

So far I have listed the officially stated interests in the Arctic, namely climate change, scientific research, and shipping routes. IOs also have a place in this theory, in which their power is based on the ability to indirectly guide behaviour.

Thus the role as a responsible international actor has been added to the pallet of colours that determine the foreign policy.

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The Chinese also have a tradition to use Chinese workers, as they did in African mining projects. I will therefore highlight a relevant article for the Arctic Circle, and how international waters are considered. In the s the USSR took the lead as a result of the severely deteriorated Sino-Soviet Union relations, and in the s China saw itself as leading the developing world in opposition to the two hegemons, the US and the Soviet Union.

The going global strategy is also a way to keep a low profile, because officially it is the Chinese enterprises rather than the government that invest. Oplag, Chen Zhinmin. And with its economic rise, it is one of the most powerful actors in the world globxl. Yet, Jakobson underlines that the AC must address the effects of the thawing of the ice in terms of climate change politjk also in terms of disputes to rights of shipping.

Columbia University Press,