Peruvian intellectual José Carlos Mariátegui (–) mentioned as a ripe site for new . tegui calls “el problema del indio.” Mariátegui’s. En este programa tratamos un capítulo de Siete ensayos de interpretación la realidad peruana de José Carlos Mariátegui. Puedes leerlo. Esquema de la evolución económicaEl problema del indioEl problema de la tierraEl proceso de la instrucción públicaEl factor religioso.
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Thanks to the properties it had received under the viceroyalty, it possessed business capital under the republic.
Pgoblema is the otrabototsch-nai system. On problsma economic level, the caudillo is always the main support of the latifundium. By law, the encomendero was in charge of collecting taxes and of the organization and conversion to Christianity of his tributaries. Collective ownership of farmland by the ayllu or group of related families, although the property was divided into individual and non-transferable lots; collective ownership indik waters, pasture, and woodlands by the marca or tribe, or the federation of ayllus settled around a village; cooperative labor; individual allotment of harvests and produce.
The military caudillo, furthermore, seems organically incapable of so sweeping a reform, which first and foremost requires an informed legal and economic mind.
Colonization unquestionably must bear the responsibility for the disappearance of this economy, together with the culture it nourished, not because it destroyed autochthonous forms but because it brought no superior substitutes. First, we protest against the instinctive attempt of the criollo or mestizo to reduce it to an exclusively administrative, pedagogical, ethnic, or moral problem in order to avoid at all cost recognizing its economic aspect.
The authority of political or administrative officials is in fact subject to the authority proboema the landowner in his domain. Hacendados in debt to foreign businessmen and lenders served as intermediaries, almost maristegui sharecroppers, for Anglo-Saxon capitalism in order to guarantee that their fields would be cultivated at minimum cost by wretched laborers bent double under the whip of colonial slave drivers.
There are two expressions of feudalism that survive: But Aguirre Morales is also the victim of fallacious reasoning. These markets regard Peru as a storehouse of raw materials and a customer for their manufactured goods.
Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana
The hacienda is run like a baronial fief. It is the pattern of elimination followed by civilization in the history markategui all peoples. They would undio least ensure that discussion of the agrarian problem by the new generation would not altogether lack the liberal philosophy that, according to written history, has governed the life of Peru since the foundation of the republic.
Later it brought us the Counter Reformation: This aspect of colonization, like many others of our economy, has not yet been studied. Feudalism similarly let rural communes continue in Russia, a country that offers an interesting parallel because in its historical process it is much closer to these agricultural and semi-feudal countries than are the capitalist countries of the West.
The free labor system has not developed there. Coastal agriculture has evolved rather rapidly toward a capitalist procedure in farming and in the processing and sale of crops. And this was not the fault of the ideology that inspired the new policy, which, rightly applied, would have ended feudal control of land and converted the Indian into a small landowner.
A local publication once said that in the Peruvian sierra the gamonal appears to be relatively as poor as the Indian. The European peasant does not come to America to work as a laborer except where high wages would permit him to save a great deal of money; and this is not the case in Peru.
Everyone must know that according to individualist ideology, the liberal solution to this problem would be the breaking up of the latifundium to create small property. It is impossible to organize an economy without a clear understanding and sure appreciation, if not of its principles, at least of its needs. When the class exists, the caudillo acts as its interpreter and trustee.
Although he sometimes declares himself to be an enemy of property, there is almost no caudillo who does not end up as an hacendado.
That is, each one collects fifty percent of the produce, although the landlord has contributed nothing but the use of his land, without even fertilizing it. Francisco Garcia Calderon attributed to the Civil Code effects that it actually did not have or, at least, that were not as drastic and absolute as he believed.
The man of Tawantinsuyo felt absolutely no need of individual liberty—any more than he felt the need of a free press. If the spirit of liberty was revealed to the Quechua, it was undoubtedly in a formula or rather in an emotion unlike the liberal, Jacobin, and individualist formula of liberty.
Books by José Carlos Mariátegui (Author of Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality)
The ayllu—the community—was the nucleus of the empire. Although we cannot stop importing foodstuffs, we can eliminate its leading items, for example, wheat and flour, which reached more than twelve million soles in The rural population of the coast has the highest rates of mortality and disease in the country except, of course, for the extremely unhealthy regions of the jungle.
This other encomendero type of importation, like that of the Negroes, conflicted with the normal formation of a liberal economy consistent with the political order established by the War of Independence.
The colonial heritage that we want to do away with is not really the one of romantic damsels screened from sight behind shawls or shutters, but the one of dl feudal system with its gamonalismo, latifundium, and servitude. We decry not our Spanish but our feudal legacy.
Nor, I repeat, is it because sugar cane and cotton are the best crops for the soil and climate of the coast. The Indian instinctively regards it as a weapon of gamonalismo. The Indian and African castes were slaves who lived outside of society. Even the small landowner idnio tenant farmer may be driven to plant cotton by these interests that do not take into account the.
Our latifundistas, our landholders, may think that they are independent, but they are actually only intermediaries or agents of foreign capital.
Books by José Carlos Mariátegui
The most notable public works and collective enterprises of Tawantinsuyo were for military, religious or agricultural purposes. We know that this legislation was mostly on paper.
In a warlike and mystic era, they undertook to preserve the techniques of the arts and crafts, refining and elaborating materials; this later served as a basis for bourgeois industry. Under the indigenous aristocracy, the natives made up a nation of ten million men, with an integrated government that efficiently ruled all its territory; under a foreign aristocracy, the natives became a scattered and anarchic mass of a million men reduced to servitude and peonage.
In this way, the slave has disappeared from Peru, leaving behind barren . The problem of land is obviously too bound up with the Indian problem to be conveniently mitigated or diminished. And in this way, the urban bourgeoisie—professionals and businessmen—were finally absorbed by civilismo.
José Carlos Mariátegui by Lesly Palomino on Prezi
In the sierra, agrarian feudalism is unable to create wealth or progress. It did not use them to create duchies or to reward patriotic services, but to mariaegui popular education. To the basic propositions already stated in this story on the agrarian question in Peru, I should add the following:.
But in actual fact, he was a feudal lord, owner of lives and haciendas, for he disposed of Indians as if they were trees in a forest and, if they died or disappeared, he took possession by one means or another of their land. And this is not because he resists progress, pproblema is claimed by his detractors. I believe this study is essential to the economic justification of any measures adopted by future mariaegui policy concerning the properties of monasteries and religious orders, because it will conclusively establish that then-right of ownership, along with the real titles on which it rested, has actually expired.